Kenya, Turkey, Japan lead mobile money trend
February 13, 2009 by admin
Filed under In the News
By Tarmo Virki, (Reuters) – The mobile banking business is growing in countries like Kenya, Turkey and Japan, while the combining of wallets with cell phones has been held back elsewhere by disagreements over sharing revenues.
In Kenya and Turkey, millions of people use phones to send money or access their bank accounts; in Japan, more than 50 million people, or about half of all cell phone users, already carry phones capable of serving as wallets.
The technology for paying with cell phones by flashing them near reading equipment in stores or on public transport is ready, and the initial feedback is good, said Mary Carol, head of mobile in Visa Europe.
“Trials show that consumers overwhelmingly like it,” Carol said. “The biggest problem has been the business model.”
It will also take at least until 2010 before phones equipped with such technology are widely available, and the financial industry and telecom operators need to agree on some kind of revenue and role split, industry executives say.
The meeting of the two industries will be one of the key topics next week at the Mobile World Congress trade show in Barcelona.
“Both — the financial sector and telecom operators — want to own the relationship with the client, this is one of the hottest issues,” said Juha Murtopuro, chief executive of Valimo Wireless, which provides cell phone identification technologies.
Murtopuro and other industry players said they expect a compromise to be eventually found, with solutions to vary from market to market.
But the ingredients are already there, given the number of consumers already owning both a mobile phone and bank account.
“Consumers are customers of multiple parties. This is something very typical also in our core industry,” said Art Kranzley, chief technology officer at Mastercard.
EMERGING MARKET OPPORTUNITY
For many consumers in emerging markets, their first banking transactions will likely be done through cell phones.
“All the pieces are coming into place for mobile banking to transform the way some 1.5 billion people get banking services in emerging markets,” said Elizabeth Littlefield, head of CGAP, a policy and research center seeking to improve financial access for the world’s poor.
In Kenya, 5 million people have signed up in less than two years to use Safaricom’s M-Pesa service, which enables people to send money to each other.
CGAP said M-Pesa is 45 percent cheaper than other transfer services, with 83 percent of users seeing a “large negative impact” on their lives if they did not have the service.
In Turkey, some 2 million transactions — most of them cash withdrawals from ATMs — were made last year using Turkcell’s mobile service.
New Atlas Maps a Blueprint for Kenya’s Green Development
February 13, 2009 by admin
Filed under In the News
Kenya’s chances of realizing its 2030 vision will depend increasingly on the way the country manages its natural or nature-based assets, a new satellite-based atlas concludes.
Many of these economic assets are coming under rising pressure: from shrinking tea-growing areas to disappearing lakes, increasing loss of tree cover in water catchments and proliferating mosquito breeding grounds, environmental degradation is taking its toll on Kenya’s present and future development opportunities.
Thus improved and more creative management is urgently needed to translate the aspiration, to the realizing of Vision 2030.
These are among the key conclusions of the new 168-page Atlas produced by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) at the request of the Government of Kenya.
Kenya: Atlas of Our Changing Environment was launched today by Kenyan Environment Minister John Michuki and UN Under-Secretary-General and UNEP Executive Director Achim Steiner.
It is the first-ever publication of its kind to document environmental change in an individual country, through the use of dozens of satellite images spanning the last three decades.
The request for the Atlas, funded by Norway and supported by the United States Geological Survey, follows the launch last June in Johannesburg of Africa: Atlas of Our Changing Environment at a meeting of the African Ministerial Conference on the Environment.
Mr Steiner said: “The Kenya Atlas shows both the diversity and the fragility of the country’s natural assets which are at the heart of the nation’s socio-economic development. It highlights some success stories of environmental management around the country, but it also puts the spotlight on major environmental challenges including deforestation, soil erosion and coastal degradation.”
“The Atlas makes a strong case that investments in green infrastructure within a Green Economy can bring it closer to achieving the Millennium Development Goals. The Atlas is for the government and for all Kenyans who want to see transformational change and a path out of poverty to prosperity by sustainably realizing this country’s true development potential,” he added.
Some of the key findings of the Kenya Atlas include:
- The nation has increased the proportion of land area protected for biological diversity from 12.1 percent in 1990 to 12.7 percent (about 75 238 km2) in 2007.
- The land available per person in Kenya has dropped from 7.2 hectares per person in 1960 to just 1.7 ha per person in 2005 due to the rapid population growth of the last few decades. There are now 38 million inhabitants in Kenya, up from just eight million in 1960. The population is expected to keep rising, and land available per person is projected to drop to 0.3 ha per person by 2050.
- Five water towers – Mau Forest Complex, Aberdares Range, Mt. Elgon, Cherangani Hills and Kakamega Forest – are critical as water catchments, vital for tourism, and hence towards achieving Kenya’s vision 2030
- The rivers flowing from the Mau Complex are the lifeline for major tourism destinations including the Maasai Mara Game Reserve and Lake Nakuru National Park. In 2007, revenues from entry fees alone amounted to Ksh. 650 million (US$ 8.2 million at today’s exchange rate) and Ksh. 513 million (US$ 6.3 million at today’s exchange rate) for the Maasai Mara and Lake Nakuru respectively.
- A temperature rise of just 2 degrees Celsius would make large areas of Kenya unsuitable for growing tea, which accounts for 22 percent of the country’s total export earnings. Some 400,000 smallholder farmers grow 60 percent of Kenyan tea.
- Rapid population growth coupled with conversion of land cover within Lake Olbollosat’s catchment is posing a huge threat to the lake which has periodically dried up and then come back to life in the past. There is concern that the increasing number of pressures may mean that if it dries up again, it could be the end of Lake Olbollosat.
- The value of soil lost due to erosion in Kenya each year is three to four times as high as the annual income from tourism. In 2007, earnings from tourism totaled 65.4 billion Kenyan Shillings (or more than US$ 824 million at today’s exchange rate).
- Forest loss increases key health risks such as malaria. Research in the western district of Kisii shows that old natural habitats with a greater diversity of mosquito predators – such as dragonflies and beetles – have a lower density of mosquitoes. Intact forests also have less breeding sites for mosquitoes. Thus conserving forests has multiple economic benefits from soil stabilization, improved water supplies, more reliable hydro-power and tourism to health ones including reducing the risk of malaria epidemics.
- The Cherangani Hills have seen less forest loss than the other “water tower” forests in recent years and significant areas of indigenous forest remain. Monitoring and careful management are needed to preserve these valuable assets.
From Maasai Mara to Lake Turkana – Kenyan ecosystems under pressure
The Atlas’s before-and-after satellite images in this Atlas vividly document the environmental change in 30 locations across Kenya since 1973 including:
- The Mau Forest Complex, a key water catchment is being deforested at an alarming rate due to charcoal production, logging, encroachment and settlements. One quarter of the Mau forest – some 100,000 hectares – has been destroyed since 2000.
- Large scale, uncontrolled, irregular, or illegal human activities like charcoal production, logging, settlements, and crop cultivation, among others, caused devastation within the Aberdares range. The construction of a fence around the Aberdare Range has reduced/stopped uncontrolled, irregular, or illegal human activities within the forest, as well as human wildlife conflicts
- The Atlas underlines the kinds of economic and environmental choices facing policy-makers. For example it notes that the vast ecotourism potential of the Aberdare National Park remains largely untapped, with just 50,000 visitors per year on average.
- Large mechanized wheat farms in the area surrounding the Maasai Mara have expanded by 1,000 percent between 1975 and 1995, most of them on the Loita Plains, significantly reducing the available natural grasslands in this important habitat for wildebeest—a key economic species in terms of tourism.
- Between 1973 and 2006, almost half of the natural vegetation cover around Lake Nakuru, another big tourism attraction not least for its pink flamingoes, was lost. The satellite pictures show a clear degradation of forest cover west of the lake, partly due to the excision of 350 square kilometers of forest in 2001.
- Lakes across the country are under intensified pressure, with Lake Naivasha struggling to cope with the expansion of settlements and flower farms in the towns of Naivasha and Karagita; Lake Turkana losing water through a combination of decreased rainfall, increased upstream diversion and increased evaporation due to higher temperatures.
- Prosopis – a terrestrial shrub- has blocked pathways, altered river courses, taken over farmlands, and suppressed other fodder species in the areas around Lake Baringo since the 1980s.
- Some estimates suggest that about half of the mangroves on Kenya’s coast have been lost over the past 50 years due to the overexploitation of wood products and conversion to salt-panning, agriculture and other uses.
Towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals and Vision 2030
According to the data presented in the Atlas, Kenya has made some important strides towards achieving some of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) – with notable headway in the fight against poverty, the provision of universal education and the fight against HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases.
Yet challenges remain for Kenya on the road to achieving environmental sustainability, notably limited government capacity for environmental management and insufficient institutional and legal frameworks for enforcement and coordination.
The Atlas notes that deforestation, land degradation and water pollution are some of the challenges Kenya needs to address to achieve MDG7, ‘Ensure Environmental Sustainability’.
One key finding of the Atlas is that achieving environmental sustainability is fundamental to achieving all the MDGs. Environmental resources and conditions have a significant impact on many aspects of poverty and development.
“One of the most powerful ways to help achieve the first MDG – eradicate extreme poverty and hunger – is to ensure that environmental quality and quantity is maintained in the long term,” the authors say.
For instance, poor people often depend on natural resources and ecosystems for income; time spent collecting water and fuelwood by children can reduce the time at school; and environment-related diseases such as diarrhoea, acute respiratory infection, leukemia and childhood cancer are primary causes of child mortality.
“Vision 2030, with its ambitious development blueprint, is a key opportunity for the Kenyan Government to address environmental challenges as a key element underpinning the country’s sustainability and development,” concludes the Atlas.
Notes to Editors
Kenya: Atlas of Our Changing Environment features numerous satellite images taken around Kenya, along with 65 maps, 26 graphs and 229 ground photographs illustrating the environmental issues faced by the country.
The Atlas provides compelling visual evidence of the changes taking place in 30 locations across the country’s critical ecosystems due to pressures from human activities.
The before-and-after display of satellite images spanning three decades highlights forest loss, wetland drainage, shrinking lakes and coastal degradation, as well as examples of good management and successful environmental strategies.
The Atlas analyzes the linkages between the country’s major socio-economic activities and its key natural resources – illustrating, for example, the link between agricultural productivity and forests, which regulate the micro-climates that make farming possible.
The Kenya Atlas follows on from UNEP’s Africa: Atlas of Our Changing Environment, published in June 2008, which gave an overview of environmental change across the continent.
All the materials in the Atlas are non-copyrighted and available for free use.
Individual satellite images, maps, graphs and photographs, can be downloaded from http://na.unep.net/
or http://www.unep.org/dewa/Africa/KenyaAtlas
Parliament rejects post election tribunal
February 13, 2009 by admin
Filed under In the News
Kenya parliament has returned the post election Tribunal Bill which seeks to establish a special court in the country to try perpetrators of the 2007 post election violence. The vote came after weeks of debate and lobbying by those supporting the Bill on one hand and those against it on the other.
A total of 93 members of parliament voted against the bill out of the 195 MPs in Parliament. The Bill received only 101 votes, well below the required number of 145 members to amend the constitution. In total there are 222 MPs.
The Commission of Inquiry into the Post-Election Violence chaired by Judge Philip Waki had given the government up to 1 March to have the special tribunal up and running.
However MPs have cast aside the bill saying they did not have faith in Kenya’s justice system and that those involved in the violence should be tried at The Hague. The rejection of the bill means that the commission can now hand over the list of alleged perpetrators to an international court for investigation and trial.
Last Thursday, a vote on the amendments was re-scheduled due to a lack of quorum in parliament. According to Kenya’s parliament procedures, a vote cannot be held on a constitutional Bill unless at least 145 MPs are present. On Tuesday, the Bill was removed from the list of issues to be debated to give the government time to marshal support.
President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga who fought for the bill in parliament including intensive lobbying, have expressed disappointed by the MPs vote.
“This is a setback in the war against impunity and injustice, the government will take stock and move forward,” a clearly disappointed Mr Odinga told reporters.
Post election clashes in Kenya broke out after Mr Odinga said the results of the December 2007 election had been rigged in favour of the president. After weeks of talks led by Mr Annan, in February 2008 the rivals agreed to share power to bring an end to the violence.
Some 1,333 were killed and more than 600,000 displaced after the presidential election. Mobs looted and torched businesses in many parts of the country, also blocking main roads with burnt trucks, a move which hit hard on the country’s economy.
Why We Love Who We Love
Have you ever known a married couple that just didn’t seem as though they should fit together — yet they are both happy in the marriage, and you can’t figure out why?
I know of one couple: He is a burly ex-athlete who, in addition to being a successful salesman, coaches Little League, is active in his Rotary Club and plays golf every Saturday with friends. Meanwhile, his wife is petite, quiet and a complete homebody. She doesn’t even like to go out to dinner.
What mysterious force drives us into the arms of one person, while pushing us away from another who might appear equally desirable to any unbiased observer?
Of the many factors influencing our idea of the perfect mate, one of the most telling, according to John Money, professor emeritus of medical psychology and pediatrics at Johns Hopkins University, is what he calls our “love map” — a group of messages encoded in our brains that describes our likes and dislikes. It shows our preferences in hair and eye color, in voice, smell, body build. It also records the kind of personality that appeals to us, whether it’s the warm and friendly type or the strong, silent type.
In short, we fall for and pursue those people who most clearly fit our love map. And this love map is largely determined in childhood. By age eight, the pattern for our ideal mate has already begun to float around in our brains.
When I lecture, I often ask couples in the audience what drew them to their dates or mates. Answers range from “She’s strong and independent” and “I go for redheads” to “I love his sense of humor” and “That crooked smile, that’s what did it.”
I believe what they say. But I also know that if I were to ask those same men and women to describe their mothers, there would be many similarities between their ideal mates and their moms. Yes, our mothers — the first real love of our lives — write a significant portion of our love map.
When we’re little, our mother is the center of our attention, and we are the center of hers. So our mother’s characteristics leave an indelible impression, and we are forever after attracted to people with her facial features, body type, personality, even sense of humor. If our mother was warm and giving, as adults we tend to be attracted to people who are warm and giving. If our mother was strong and even-tempered, we are going to be attracted to a fair-minded strength in our mates.
The mother has an additional influence on her sons: she not only gives them clues to what they will find attractive in a mate, but also affects how they feel about women in general. So if she is warm and nice, her sons are going to think that’s the way women are. They will likely grow up warm and responsive lovers and also be cooperative around the house.
Conversely, a mother who has a depressive personality, and is sometimes friendly but then suddenly turns cold and rejecting, may raise a man who becomes a “dance-away lover.” Because he’s been so scared about love from his mother, he is afraid of commitment and may pull away from a girlfriend for this reason.
While the mother determines in large part what qualities attract us in a mate, it’s the father — the first male in our lives — who influences how we relate to the opposite sex. Fathers have an enormous effect on their children’s personalities and chances of marital happiness.
Just as mothers influence their son’s general feelings toward women, fathers influence their daughter’s general feelings about men. If a father lavishes praise on his daughter and demonstrates that she is a worthwhile person, she’ll feel very good about herself in relation to men. But if the father is cold, critical or absent, the daughter will tend to feel she’s not very lovable or attractive.
In addition, most of us grow up with people of similar social circumstances. We hang around with people in the same town; our friends have about the same educational backgrounds and career goals. We tend to be most comfortable with these people, and therefore we tend to link up with others whose families are often much like our own.
Complementary Needs
What about opposites? Are they really attracted to each other? Yes and no. In many ways we want a mirror image of ourselves. Physically attractive people, for example, are usually drawn to a partner who’s equally attractive.
Robert Winch, a longtime sociology professor at Northwestern University, stated in his research that our choice of a marriage partner involves a number of social similarities. But he also maintained that we look for someone with complementary needs. A talker is attracted to someone who likes to listen, or an aggressive personality may seek out a more passive partner.
It’s rather like the old, but perceptive, saying on the subject of marriage that advises future partners to make sure that the holes in one’s head fit the bumps in the other’s. Or, as Winch observed, it’s the balancing out of sociological likenesses and psychological differences that seems to point the way for the most solid lifelong romance.
However, there are instances where people of different social backgrounds end up getting married and being extremely happy. I know of one man, a factory worker from a traditional Irish family in Chicago, who fell in love with an African American Baptist. When they got married, their friends and relatives predicted a quick failure. But 25 years later, the marriage is still strong.
It turns out that the woman was like her mother-in-law — a loving and caring person, the type who rolls up her sleeves and volunteers to work at church or help out people in need. This is the quality that her husband fell for, and it made color and religion and any other social factors irrelevant to him.
Or as George Burns, who was Jewish and married the Irish Catholic Gracie Allen, used to say: his marriage was his favorite gig, even though it was Gracie who got all the laughs. The two of them did share certain social similarities — both grew up in the city, in large but poor families. Yet what really drew them together was evident from the first time they went onstage together. They complemented each other perfectly: he was the straight man, and she delivered the punch lines.
There are certainly such “odd couples” who could scarcely be happier. We all know some drop-dead beautiful person married to an unusually plain wallflower. This is a trade-off some call the equity theory.
When men and women possess a particular asset, such as high intelligence, unusual beauty, a personality that makes others swoon, or a hefty bankroll that has the same effect, some decide to trade their assets for someone else’s strong points. The raging beauty may trade her luster for the power and security that come with big bucks. The not-so-talented fellow from a good family may swap his pedigree for a poor but brilliantly talented mate.
Indeed, almost any combination can survive and thrive. Once, some neighbors of mine stopped by for a friendly social engagement. During the evening Robert, a man in his 50s, suddenly blurted out, “What would you say if your daughter planned to marry someone who has a ponytail and insisted on doing the cooking?”
“Unless your daughter loves cooking,” I responded, “I’d say she was darn lucky.”
“Exactly,” his wife agreed. “It’s really your problem, Robert — that old macho thing rearing its head again. The point is, they’re in love.”
I tried to reassure Robert, pointing out that the young man their daughter had picked out seemed to be a relaxed, nonjudgmental sort of person — a trait he shared with her own mother.
Is there such a thing as love at first sight? Why not? When people become love-struck, what happens in that instant is the couple probably discover a unique something they have in common. It could be something as mundane as they both were reading the same book or were born in the same town. At the same time they recognize some trait in the other that complements their own personality.
I happen to be one of those who were struck by the magic wand. On that fateful weekend, while I was a sophomore at Cornell University, I had a terrible cold and hesitated to join my family on vacation in the Catskill Mountains. Finally I decided anything would be better than sitting alone in my dormitory room.
That night as I was preparing to go to dinner, my sister rushed up the stairs and said, “When you walk into that dining room, you’re going to meet the man you’ll marry.”
I think I said something like “Buzz off!” But my sister couldn’t have been more right. I knew it from the moment I saw him, and the memory still gives me goose flesh. He was a premed student, also at Cornell, who incidentally also had a bad cold. I fell in love with Milton the instant I met him.
Milt and I were married for 39 years, until his death in 1989. And all that time we experienced a love that Erich Fromm called a “feeling of fusion, of oneness,” even while we both continued to change, grow and fulfill our lives.
Neighbours watch Kenya’s politics with horror
February 4, 2009 by admin
Filed under In the News
I used to think I understood Kenyan politics until I came to live in the country.
After all, when I was a student in the UK in the 1980s, Kenyan exiles were among the most vocal of the many African pro-democracy activists stranded in the Queen’s own country.
Of course, they were a tiny minority among their compatriots, as most Kenyans living in Britain were afraid to be seen opposing Moi and Kanu.
We used to joke that the entire contingent of Kenyan oppositionists in the UK could travel together to their congress in one saloon car.
What they lacked in numbers they compensated for with the quality of their core group.
The poet Abdelatif Abdallah, the Kihoros (the late Wanjiru and her husband, Wanyiri), Wangui wa Goro, Shiraz Duraini and Yusuf Hassan were the public faces of the group. There was one Irungu, the “kadogo” of the group, who looked after logistics.
My first introduction to them was through the late John La Rose, the Trinidadian poet, writer and cultural activist, founder of New Beacon Books and also convener of the Third World Radical and Black Book Fair.
He was the chairperson of the Committee for the Release of Ngugi — which, after Ngugi’s release, became the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners in Kenya.
So close was the British establishment under Thatcher to the Moi regime that it would not allow more than 12 persons to demonstrate in front of the Kenyan High Commission. We used to have noon to midnight demos there.
And believe you me, the High Commission used to film the 12 of us (mostly non-Kenyans) for the entire 12 hours! The High Commissioner for part of this period was one Dr Sally Kosgey.
As a result of my association with the exile community, I got to meet most of the leaders of the pro-democracy movement as it grew in Kenya, because London was the centre of the international campaign against the one-party state.
As it turned out, I headed the Pan-African Movement secretariat in Kampala throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, so I became even closer to Kenyan politics. The secretariat was perceived as a rebel outfit by the Kenyan state.
Official relations between Kenya and Uganda then were full of suspicion because Moi feared that the “revolutionary” Museveni was aiding and abetting the radical opposition in Kenya.
In Kampala in those days, we were clear about who were our friends in Kenya and who our enemies.
The baddies were the Kanu lot and our friends were mostly in the opposition, which however was ridden with factionalism. We were all exasperated at the inability of the opposition to unite under one leadership to dislodge the Moi regime.
For 10 years, the people of Kenya in effect voted out Moi but the opposition conspired to keep him in office.
We were all jubilant when, in 2002, against all doomsday scenarios and doubts as to whether Baba Moi would actually leave office gracefully and allow the opposition to defeat his chosen heir, the opposition, coalesced in NARC, won.
But no sooner had the new government come than they reverted to their opposition past of bickering, leading to the collapse of the NARC alliance. It seemed they were so wedded to opposition that they would even oppose their own government without realising they were part of it!
I arrived to live and work with the UN in post-referendum Kenya. Almost immediately, all my firm positions about the good guys and the bad guys began to dissolve.
The remarkable thing about Kenya is that there is continuity and longetivity in the main players even though change sides more frequently than they change towels.
It was no longer easy to say with any certainty who my friends were.
Another lesson that I learnt quickly was that, while all the Kenyans I had known were at the time living abroad — some still were — at home it was very difficult to find anyone who was a Kenyan.
There were many Kikuyus, Kambas, Luos, “Muslims” and others, but few Kenyans.
When I was looking for a house, I was often asked “what tribe” I was, as if that would make it cheaper or more costly or even determine whether I got the house or not.
I thought I knew all there was to know about ethnicity, having being born Nigerian and travelled widely around this continent, but the twists and turns of the identity issue in Kenya defeated me.
As a relative stranger, it was easy to see that the campaigns and election were heading for a deadlock given the exclusivist nature of the politics in group terms. It was either “we” lose or “we” win — nothing in between.
I participated in one highly publicised public forum on federalism and that quickly made me a hero or a villain depending on people’s partisan position.
Some friends asked me why I should be with that group, while others warned me to stay off dangerous ground, not to speak of UN sensitivities, despite the fact I spoke in my individual capacity as a Pan-Africanist with some claim to professional expertise on the issue as a political scientist.
If outsiders could be that easily pigeonholed, what about Kenyans themselves?
When the peaceful election metamorphosed into violence after the inconclusive presidential results, both the Kenyan elite and their foreign counterparts, with their hakuna matata-flavoured, tourism-driven perception of the country, were throwing up their arms, lamenting that this blissful country had descended into chaos.
But was the violence really out of character? One only has to read the Kenyan papers of the 1990s to see that ethnic cleansing and violent riots and group victimisation did not start with the disputed presidential election result of 2008.
The election violence shattered two of the many myths about Kenya. The first, that Kenya was a land of milk and honey. This was exposed as a ruling-class fabrication designed to disguise the ugly truth that the milk and honey benefited only a minority of the population.
The second myth exploded was that of Kenya as an oasis of peace and stability. This was more the result of comparing Kenya with its neighbours than comparing the lot of Kenyans among themselves.
The burden of the violence with impunity was always disproportionately borne by the lower classes but this time around it hit the middle classes and threatened the political class as a whole.
Suddenly, the driver, the shamba boy, the housegirl and the hordes of badly paid workers that help to shore up the fantastic lifestyle of the prosperous classes were no longer available as they were trapped in their apartheid-style informal settlements around Nairobi. Not for a day or two but a couple of weeks!
It was a delayed revelation that the rich are enriched by the impoverished lower classes.
There are important lessons for Kenyans and other Africans from the Kenya tragedy of a year ago:
One, that while elections matter, more is needed than just free and fair voting; the counting and declaration of results must also be free and credibly done.
The Kenya government, despite not being officially invited, spent millions of shillings to send a gatecrashing delegation to Obama’s inauguration. I hope they have learnt how to do it, because the way the president was sworn in had less dignity than the assumption of office by a classroom monitor.
If Kenyans wanted to attend their president’s inauguration, they could not, because it was over before they knew about it.
Two, Kenyans have made it more costly for people’s votes to be stolen with impunity in the future. There is no point voting if the outcome does not reflect the wishes of the electorate.
For instance, Nigerians, Cameroonians or Gabonese might as well give up wasting time and money on elections whose outcomes are predetermined by those in power or else be ready do a Kenya at their next election.
It is instructive that the threat of a repeat of Kenya and relative moderation of both leading parties in Ghana’s recent very close election helped sanity to prevail.
Three, even if the presidential election result had not been disputed, the balance of power in parliament, with no party/coalition of parties having a decisive overall majority, meant the electorate is tired of winner-takes-all politics and want their political leaders find a way of running inclusive governments that make all Kenyans stakeholders in the democratic order.
Four, democracy is not just about voting fairly and freely and being counted properly; the health of a democratic order is better judged by the capacity of the democratic state to address the social and economic needs of it citizens.
A lot of what are popularly seen as problems of ethnicity in Kenya are in reality deep-rooted historical injustices deriving from the unequal incorporation of different communities into the political economy and power structure of the country.
This inequality has a differential impact on different communities and makes it possible for aspiring elites from the ranks of the marginalised to mobilise popular sentiments against fellow elites from the privileged groups.
The big question as the Grand Coalition government, negotiated with the authority of the African Union and the full backing of the key international players, enters its second year is whether the Kenyan political class have learnt anything from the violence and are taking positive steps to avert catastrophe now and in the future.
Unfortunately, the best answer one can give is that it is a “work in progress,” with the omens not being too good.
The conflict set a new limit on political competition below which none of the elite may want to descend any more.
Some kind of peace even though there will be continuous grumbling is being preserved.
There is a growing consensus that business and politics cannot continue as usual, but unfortunately old habits die hard as politicians continue to enrich themselves at the expense of their voters.
The MPs are doing their best to make Kenyans lose faith in politics with the manifest selfishness of their approach to public welfare. For instance, they award themselves huge salaries and even bigger allowances and yet refuse to pay tax.
Some even had the effrontery to claim they are refusing to pay because they do not know how the government will spend the money. Is it not the responsibility of the MPs to scrutinise public expenditure and watch over the executive?
Some of them claim, which may be true, that their constituents put a great financial burden on them (school fees, burial and wedding expenses, medical bills, etc). But is this not because their voters are being impoverished by the kind of economic and social policies of the government?
Instead of privatising the welfare of their constituents through patronage, why can they not ensure that the government provides for all based on existing commitments, be they MDGs or Vision 2030? If they ensure that the government delivers to the electorate, there would be less dependence on them as individuals.
There are many challenges and opportunities facing Kenyans and their political leaders. One, how to end the culture of impunity and create a new culture of rule of law that treats all citizens equally.
This is a country where senior politicians, a former chief justice and other public figures not to talk of thousands of ordinary citizens have been murdered in successive political disturbances without any serious attempt at trying the orchestrators of the violence.
Two, the high premium on politics and politicking in the country is too much. It seems like Kenya is perpetually in election mode, which makes it difficult for public officials and their political bosses to do any long term planning.
Three: I gained some notoriety by saying publicly what I am about to repeat here: Kenya is too important to be left to Kenyans.
Its economy is far too integrated with that of the region and globally in terms of trade, finance, commerce, manufacturing, transport and other services including tourism and communications.
So it is not only Kenyans who will hurt when Kenya burns.
To make a painful comparison, it is only Zimbabweans who are suffering the full impact of Mugabe’s misrule whereas when angry youth pulled up a few metres of railway line in Kibera, the reverberations were felt as far as Kampala, Kigali, Juba, Goma and other places.
Four, for an economy with such a large reach, Kenya’s political elite need to be cosmopolitan in their outlook instead of competing to be ethnic or regional barons.
Five, Kenya needs to address historical injustices that feed the xenophobia and communal conflicts that political vultures feed on.
They are now openly talked about but the necessary structural changes and mindset are yet to be seriously engendered.
The Kofi Annan-mediated talks identified these issues and set timetables for their being attended to, but politicians give more priority to sharing out political offices, stuffing parastatals with their families and friends and political pawns than attending to these vital issues.
Five, some of the necessary constitutional reform issues are alive but attempts to address them are being compromised by the succession battles in all camps and the permanent electioneering in the country. If everybody is seeking their narrow interest, who is going to stand up for the country?
Six, while politicians play politics everywhere and few can think beyond the next election, what about other social and political forces in the country?
These include faith-based organisations, the media, CSOs, NGOs, the professions, the business community, trade unions, women, youth, students, etc.
While there were many cases of selfless heroism displayed by Kenyans as individuals and organisations, especially peace and human-rights organisations who stood up for decency in the face of threats to their lives and liberty, the sad truth is that there were very few impartial institutions in Kenya because of the partisan /group polarisation.
Xenophobia, hate messages and party propaganda came out of the mouths and pulpits of people who are supposed to deliver all of God’s children.
Therefore, it is not just the politicians who need to change their ways and re-examine their conscience but all Kenyans. A situation in which everyone stands by “my people, right or wrong” and “my” is defined in ethnic or religious terms will rip the nation apart.
Kenya became like France when the Nazis invaded with a parliament in which “everyone was represented but France was missing.” I am not sure how many of these groups who failed their calling and failed Kenya have conducted the reflection and introspection among themselves necessary to create a genuine “never again” culture.
Seven: How can these issues be addressed in fairness and justice without ending in vendetta, victor’s justice or perceptions of individual or group persecution?
For me personally, it has been a journey to unlearn what I thought I knew about Kenyan politics and learn to make assessments “one day at a time.”
As a student of politics, it is difficult not to become engrossed in Kenyan politics both for its seeming familiarity and for the brazen opportunism and staying power of its key players and their incredible capacity to change sides but retain their collective interest.
If only that can be transformed into a development-oriented leadership, the country will no longer be one of the most unequal in the world. After making sure that their vote matters, the next task for Kenyans is to make their vote work for them.
More than 100 dead from tanker explosion
February 1, 2009 by admin
Filed under In the News
The drivers of motorcycle taxis called one another. The women of a nearby camp for the displaced gathered their skirts, snatched up jerry cans and headed for their rendezvous with fate.
It was a Saturday, children were out of school and many joined the dash for free riches.
After the fires were doused on Sunday, the village of Sachang’wan and its environs was mourning the loss of 110 people while another 178 suffered serious burns.
Forty six were airlifted by the Kenya Air Force to Nairobi where their condition was described as critical.
By time of going to press on Sunday, the circumstances of the 3.30 p.m. accident were still unclear.
Police said the tanker was transporting fuel from Mombasa to Eldoret. The driver is said to have run away from the crowd of looters after the accident, the fate of his turn boy is unknown.
Hospitals are overwhelmed with patients. The Nakuru Provincial General Hospital is treating 66 and Molo District Hospital 112 where many received treatment from the floor.
According to police, two officers died and 10 are in hospital, some under intensive care.
According to the official version of events, the officers tried to keep the crowd away from the dangerous cargo. Some survivors, however, claimed the officers were charging villagers a fee of between Sh50 and Sh100 to be allowed to fill their containers from the tanker.
Those who did not have it scooped the fuel from a nearby trench. When the tanker exploded, they were knee-deep in the highly flammable river.
Human torches
Many, burning human torches, died in a nearby thicket of blue gum, as they attempted to make their way to Molo River which is close to the road.
The forest also caught fire and some of it was consumed in the flames which burned for nearly three hours.
Apart from the tanker, two other vehicles, a saloon and a sport utility vehicle, were burnt.
Their curious drivers are said to have stopped to find out what was happening when the tanker exploded.
Most of the victims were from Borop farm, Jolly farm, Kwa Mzungu village, Salgaa shopping centre, Sachang’wan centre and even as far as Total, 20 kilometres from the scene.
How the truck ended up in a ditch on that particular stretch of road is also eliciting curiosity because the road is flat and in relatively good condition.
A police officer who talked to the Nation on condition he is not named because he was not authorised to comment on the investigation said he saw the tanker parked on the roadside and the driver and turn boy get off a few kilometres from Salgaa trading centre and before the Mau Summit Junction.
According to him, it was perfectly normal for truck drivers to park their vehicles in that area for a rest or to carry out a mechanical check and he didn’t pay much attention to it. Drivers also park on the roadside to siphon fuel off their tanks which they then sell to roadside brokers.
As soon as the crew got off, he said, he heard a loud noise and the tanker tumbled into a ditch.
Word quickly spread and soon the area was teeming with men, women and children, many with jerry cans. They headed for the tanker, which is suspected to have been loaded with 42,000 litres of petrol.
A motorcyclist in Molo town who only gave his name as Kinyanjui, told the Nation that he was at the scene when the explosion occurred.
Loading it
He had already got 20 litres of petrol from the tanker and was loading it onto his motorcycle when the tanker exploded.
He recalled how the crowd comprising men, women and children pushed and shoved to get at the fuel.
An eye-witness, Mr Joseph Kipchumba, said General Service Unit officers were the first to arrive at the scene but did not seal it off. Instead, they started charging those who had gathered to loot the fuel.
“Some people were angry because they could not afford the fee being demanded by the officers and threatened to set the truck on fire and spoil the party if they were not allowed to scoop the flowing petrol,” he said.
It is at this point that one irate person, Mr Kipchumba claimed, lit a match. The ensuing explosion was immediate and violent and was heard several kilometres away.
However, Rift Valley Provincial police boss Joseph Ashimalla said they could not pinpoint the exact cause of the explosion until the investigations into the incident are completed.
Another witness, Ms Esther Mukuhi, also blamed the police.
“I was scrambling to get to a position where I could scoop petrol when the GSU officers stopped me and demanded Sh50 which I did not have,” she said at the Molo District, where she was helping to rescue victims.
Ran to her house
Ms Mukuhi said she ran to her house to collect the money. Then she heard the explosion.
“I looked back and saw large flames jumping up to the clouds, I rushed back to see what was happening and learned that some people had been trapped in the inferno,” she said.
The middle aged woman is now thanking God that she did not have the cash.
“This was a blessing in disguise, if I had the money, I would have paid with my life, I would be among the dead,” she said.
The government responded to the tragedy by declaring five days of mourning, flying the victims to Nairobi for treatment and promised to foot the bill
Among those who visited the scene were Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka, Prime Minister Raila Odinga and Security minister George Saitoti, among others.
Prof Saitoti brought a condolence message from President Kibaki who is attending an African Union heads of state summit in Ethiopia.
And later while briefing the press, Rift Valley Provincial Commissioner Hassan Noor Hassan said the government was planning to hold a national harambee for the families of the victims.
He said the Red Cross would have final list of victims by today evening and urged locals to check with the society on the fate of their kin. He appealed to all those injured not to hide for fear of arrest but come out and get treatment.
He said out of the number reported dead, only three could be positively identified as the rest were badly burnt.
The PC was speaking after accompanying former president Moi on a tour of the hospital to console the injured.
The scene of the explosion was littered with jerry cans of all sizes, ranging from one litre to 30 litres, some of them partly burnt.
For some strange reason, several 20 and 30 litre jerry cans full of petrol stood un-touched, a few metres from the tanker.
Beside them were several motor bikes whose owners’ fate is not known.
Mr Kipchumba said some people sustained burns on the hands and legs as they tried to rescue their burning colleagues.
The military—Kenya Army and the Kenya Air Force— teamed up with the Kenya Red Cross and the ministries of Public Health and Medical Services to provide helicopters to fly victims to Nairobi.
Most of the survivors were carried out of planes on stretchers, their bodies badly disfigured by the fire. They were in great pain and many groaned as they were wheeled into waiting ambulances.
Disfigured
Public Health Minister Beth Mugo said the injured people required more than 1,000 units of blood and appealed to Kenyans to donate.
Prof Saitoti said GSU officers did their best to keep the crowd away from danger but were overwhelmed.
Twelve ambulances from the Ministry of Health, the Military, Jomo Kenyatta International and Wilson Airport, St John Ambulance service, ERS and G4S Fire Services were on standby to receive the patients who were admitted to Kenyatta, Nairobi and Aga Hhan hospitals.
The Government had also put Mater and MP Shah Hospitals on alert, asking them to prepare room for more victims who may be airlifted from Nakuru.
KNH Chief Executive Officer Dr Jotham Micheni was at Wilson Airport coordinating transfer of the victims to the referral institution.
Dr Christopher Arum (Brigadier) was also at the airport coordinating a team of military doctors who were part of the rescue operation.
He told Daily Nation that the military had sent a team of doctors to the ground to assist in attending to those admitted at the local hospital.
The Ministry of Public Health has also dispatched a team of more health experts among them doctors, nurses, counsellors, DNA testing officers and pathologists to reinforce the medical response on the ground.
Premier Odinga regretted the incident saying Kenyans must be sensitised on the dangers of rushing to scenes of accidents involving tankers.
Additional reporting by Carol Wafula, Oliver Mathenge and Noah Cheploen.


